“We have liberated Hungary and have taken back our country,” said Peter Magyar, announcing his landmark victory against strongman Prime Minister Viktor Orbán. Orbán’s striking defeat marks a new era for Hungary as it seeks to rebuild its eroded democracy, strengthen its ties to the European Union, and reaffirm its commitment to Ukraine, but will it stick?

Viktor Orbán and his Fidesz party’s efforts to erode Hungarian democracy have been well documented. It began with the Fidesz electoral landslide in 2010. Then, they substantially changed the constitution and replaced nonpartisan officials in important institutions. This “reform” effectively erased all checks and balances, or horizontal accountability, as political scientists call it, making it easier for Orbán to crack down on any electoral opposition.

Orbán dominated the Prosecutor-General’s Office, Electoral Commission, state media, and many other formerly independent institutions.. Although he never suspended elections, he undermined their fairness by tilting the state apparatus in his favor. As of 2017, Fidesz had overtaken Hungary’s regional newspapers, TV news programs, and radio news stations, all of which published journalism severely tilted in the Orbán regime’s favor. According to political scientists Péter Krekó and Zsolt Enyedi, they show the West as an “apocalyptic place where immigrants pose constant threats, the rule of law has collapsed, and a miasma of political correctness smothers free speech.” This skewed perception has changed the way Hungarians view the world and their relationships with other countries, in turn making Orbán more popular. This is a common strategy among wannabe autocrats.

In 2024, Peter Magyar went viral after announcing his resignation from Fidesz and exposing the extent of the party’s corruption. It soon became clear that Magyar could have the support to end Orbán’s autocratic regime. He built up his Tisza party. He toured the country listening to Hungarians. All other opposition parties suspended their candidates and rallied behind Magyar, and he became the opposition candidate.

One of the main reasons Fidesz was able to maintain control for as long as it did was Hungary’s complicated electoral system and fragmented opposition. Until Magyar, opposition parties were small, with each nominating its own candidate. This meant that no one could sustain enough support to overtake Fidesz. When opposition parties are fractured, they are unable to effectively check a dominant executive.

What’s next for Hungary?

Now that Magyar has won, he must take swift action to restore Hungarian democracy for good. He must replace partisan actors in the civil service with experienced public servants who will work for the Hungarian people. This means hiring career prosecutors, encouraging nonpartisan media, and ensuring no partisan interference in elections. Doing this will help consolidate his own power to effectively transition the country away from the corruption that has defined its government.

How to make democracy stick. 

Magyar must make a firm commitment to democracy at home and abroad. This begins with Hungary lifting its veto on European Union military aid to Ukraine. Support for other democracies is essential in ensuring democratic consolidation. Throughout Orbán’s tenure, he has cozied up to Vladimir Putin, allying himself with the Russian autocrat in exchange for access to oil. If Magyar wants to strengthen Hungarian democracy and normalize relations with other countries within the European bloc, he must not only publicly commit his support to Ukraine but also release its veto on sending European funds.

Additionally, now that Tisza is projected to have a supermajority in parliament, it must reform the constitution to ensure that a wannabe autocrat like Orbán can never be elected again. Additionally, he must ensure that all Hungarians have a seat at the table in his new government. When Orbán won his supermajority, he overhauled the civil service. He was only able to do this because of that supermajority. If Magyar wants democracy to stick, he must do the same by ensuring that all public institutions are stripped of their partisan loyalties and replaced with public servants.

Magyar must also bring Hungary back together after 16 years of polarization. Orbán repeatedly demonized his opponents, strengthening his populist appeal. However, these attacks have left Hungary deeply polarized, raising concerns about future democratic backsliding. We know that polarization brings bad signs for democracy because democracy only works when we see our political opponents as fellow citizens who also want the best for our country. If we see them instead as enemies, we are unable to come together to make policies. Only by working together can he restore liberal democracy.

While Magyar’s win is a positive sign for democracy, we should not celebrate just yet. He has a long road ahead of him and must implement significant reforms if he wants democracy for good. He must normalize relations with the European Union, build up the civil service, and reunite the country after a decade and a half of populist rule.