Although a democracy on paper, Mexico faces a substantial obstacle that drastically undermines the freeness and fairness of its elections. That obstacle is organized crime, particularly in the form of Mexico’s infamous drug cartels. Since their establishment in the 1980s, the drug cartels of Mexico have played an increasingly large role in Mexican politics. These cartels have cemented an iron grip on the Mexican government which they maintain through considerable electoral violence targeting both political candidates and the media. Such violence inhibits candidates opposing the cartels from entering office while simultaneously silencing critical journalists from speaking out against the criminal activities these groups engage in. With both elections and the media under the control of organized crime, Mexican democracy is effectively stripped of two of its most integral institutions.
Due largely to pervasive organized crime, violence has surged in Mexico. In fact, Mexico possesses “the ninth highest homicide rate in the world” with homicide being the number one cause of death for men aged 10 to 54 according to the 2021 Mexico Peace Index. While many of these murders are committed among cartel members, we increasingly see these killings enter the political sphere where they’re used to intimidate candidates, voters, and the media in a three-pronged attack on Mexican democracy.
The salience of electoral violence was particularly prominent in the country’s most recent Midterm election held in June of 2021. Intending to maintain their control over the political system, cartels engaged in a substantial number of violent attacks in the lead up to the election. Between the beginning of the electoral process in September of 2020 and the end of May, “there were 89 assassinations of politicians in Mexico and 782 crimes committed agianst them” with 35 of those killed being candidates running in the upcoming election. Moreover, many of these attacks, such as the May 13 assassination of Ciudad Obregón mayoral candidate Abel Murietta, were carried out in broad daylight directly in front of supporters. Murrieta had been handing out fliers on a busy street corner when he was approached by two men who then gunned him down and calmly walked away afterward as bystanders fled in fear.
Assassinations such as Murietta’s send a clear message to both politicians and supporters to not interfere with the cartel’s control. As candidates expressing opposition to the status quo are publicly murdered, others become more hesitant to stand up against organized crime out of fear of meeting a similar fate. Moreover, such violence perpetuates the country’s already rampant corruption as candidates choose to collude with the cartels to avoid their bullets. Therefore, the cartel’s violence coerces Mexican politicians to adopt the cartel’s interests rather than the people’s, effectively reducing “the capacity of citizens to make enforceable claims upon the government” (Lust and Waldner 2015).
In addition to political assassinations, we also observe a substantial amount of cartel violence perpetrated against journalists in Mexico. In fact, Mexico was named “the deadliest country for journalists in the Western hemisphere” by the Committee to Protect Journalists in 2020. According to Freedom House’s 2021 Country Report on Mexico, at least nine journalists had been killed in 2020, accounting for nearly one third of all journalists killed globally that year. Furthermore, journalists covering sensitive content such as crime and politics are especially targeted in these attacks. The November 9, 2020 murder of Israel Vázquez, who was killed in a drive-by shooting while investigating a tip regarding a bag of human remains being dumped along a roadside, serves as a prime example.
The cartels´ targeting of journalists indicates a clear undermining of free and independent media. Any attempt by a journalist to criticize organized crime, expose corruption, or support a progressive political candidate is met with serious consequences. Threats of bodily harm and even death force members of the Mexican media to either obey the cartels by self-censoring their content or dodge the latter’s bullets. Therefore, the drug cartels of Mexico have essentially reduced a free and fair media–a core component of liberal democracy–to a nonfactor incapable of serving the interests of the people.
With politicians and media members literally under fire from drug cartels, the electoral integrity of Mexican elections appears feeble at best, and nonexistent at worst. The cartels’ open attacks on these individuals indicates a blatant undermining of the freeness and fairness of Mexican elections, which are integral to the establishment and maintenance of democracy (Dahl 1972). Punishing defiant politicians and members of the media while leaving the rest too afraid to speak out, Mexico’s drug cartels dominate (and will likely continue to dominate) the state, eroding its democratic institutions through violence. As the cartels’ strengthen their grip on these institutions, they further weaken the Mexican state, which is becoming increasingly difficult for Mexican citizens to legitimately engage with. Such degradation may result in fleeting support for democracy among the Mexican people.
Luke, I really enjoyed this post! In class, we talked a good bit about how political leaders are able to manipulate institutions in order to maintain and gain influence, but I found it very interesting that you focused on how non-governmental actors can influence democratic institutions to suit their agenda. The amount of political assassinations occurring in Mexico indicate that political opposition is nonexistent, thanks to cartels. While the assassination of politicians is of course horrible and is a huge threat to democratic processes, what I found most interesting, yet concerning, was that the cartels are targeting journalists as well. If politicians are being assassinated, then at least a free media exists to report on and critique this issue, but if independent media does not exist then no one is able to act as a check on the power of cartels. Since all forms of opposition are being met with counter-attacks by cartels and people fear for their safety, I do not see the state of democratic erosion in Mexico improving anytime soon.
Hi Luke!
I really enjoyed reading your post and found your examples of Mexican cartel interference helpful for understanding the scope of the issue. I knew that the cartels were a massive threat to public safety, but I did not realize how they interacted with political processes as well and how much of a threat to democracy they are. While reading your post, I started to wonder what kind of solutions a problem like this might be met with. It seems as if no one is above the cartels and they really have few consequences for their actions. I’m wondering if this is a place for an IGO or NGO to step in. It may be that some sort of negotiations need to occur. The eradication of cartels in Mexico is nearly impossible, but I wonder if there’s an entity who can mediate a discussion between cartels and government officials to devise some sort of peace agreement. No one should be left in the hands of cartel violence but especially not unaffiliated civilians and government officials trying to maintain the health of Mexico’s democracy. There must be something the government can give the cartels in exchange for their abstinence of violence against democracy. Great post!
Hey Luke, I enjoyed reading your blog post regarding how organized crimes, often being done by drug cartels, affect the idea of democracy in Mexico. Your post highlights how non-state actors can affect a country’s democracy to erode. You mentioned a great recent example in validating your idea. I have previously watched a decent number of documentaries regarding Drug cartels such as the Sinaloa Cartel, Cártel de Jalisco Nueva Generación (CJNG), and Los Zetas; and often think to myself, what could be done to combat these groups of cartels? I know that the President of Mexico, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, formed the Mexican National Guard in 2019 to combat the cartels, but they have failed to reduce crime or violence. One must consider that these cartels do have military weaponry and are not afraid of the Mexican National Guard. A great example would be when Ovidio Guzmán López, son of Joaquin “El Chapo” Guzman, was arrested on October 17, 2019, in Culiacan, Sinaloa. Once leaders of the Sinaloa Cartel were notified that Ovidio Guzmán was in custody by the Mexican government at his house, nearly 700 members of the cartel started to attack the Mexican national Guard, government officials, and some civilians in an attempt to have Guzmán released. They were equipped with rocket and grenade launchers,.50 caliber rifles, and armed vehicles. Ultimately, Mexican President Lopez Obrador had Guzman released to prevent further ‘bloodshed.’ When those events happen, I start to think that maybe foreign interference is needed to stop drug cartels from further eroding democracy in Mexico and restoring safety in Mexico if possible. This could occur through a coalition of governments working together to bring equipped troops to Mexico. Ultimately, something has to happen regarding drug cartels in Mexico as they are a driving force of democratic erosion, as you stated.