“Police kill, femicidal state” read the sign of a protestor standing outside of the Quito Police Headquarters on September 21^st. The protest came as a response to news that broke earlier that day: the body of María Belén Bernal had been found after ten days of searching. Bernal, a criminal defense lawyer, had last been seen ten days prior, entering the Quito Police Training School. This is where her husband, Germán Fernando Cáceres, worked as a trainer. Bernal’s body was found five kilometers away from the school.

The murder of Bernal is the latest femicide in Ecuador, with 206 known cases occurring between January 1^st and September 3^rd of this year. Due to the circumstances of this case and the parties involved, Bernal’s death has catalyzed outrage across the country. Between September 12^th and September 21^st, prior to the discovery of Bernal’s body, national women’s rights organizations had been holding protests on account of frustrations with the investigation.

Multiple testimonies claimed to have heard a heated argument between Bernal and Cáceres on the night she disappeared. Some individuals even reported hearing a woman’s screams and a cry for help. Despite these warning signs, no officers or cadets investigated the situation. According to the Interior Minister of Ecuador, Cárceres left the training school in Bernal’s car, but the car was not searched at the time, and security agents do not know if Bernal left with him. Allegedly, the Prosecutor’s Office requested a follow-up from Cáceres on the day of his initial questioning on account of inconsistencies in his statement. Despite the inconsistencies, Cáceres was permitted to leave after questioning and has not been seen since. According to the Attorney General of Ecuador, as of Septmber 22^nd, the National Police had yet to sendan official report detailing the events that occurred inside the Quito Police Training School. The Interior Minister has since called for Cáceres’ arrest, and Interpol has issued a red notice – a sign that the wanted individual is set to face trial. 

So, how does this impact democracy in Ecuador?

Given that this crime occurred inside a police training school and was most likely perpetrated by a police official, Bernal’s murder is being considered a state femicide by many Ecuadorians. Certainly, it can be argued that Cáceres utilized his government authority to initially evade consequences. From the perspective of Ecuadorian women, it appears that the police – the state agents who are tasked with protecting the public – are not only passively disinterested in preventing femicide but are now also actively participating in it. Along the same lines, concerns have been expressed regarding Cáceres’ position at the training school. He was a trainer for aspiring police officers. If the trainer perpetrates this sort of act, what does this mean for the behaviors of future officers? This is also not the first prominent case of police violence against women this year. On March 8^th, Ecuadorian women peacefully demonstrated in the streets, advocating for authorities to assure the protection of their rights. These women were met with clubs, tear gas, and pepper spray from heavily armored police. 

The recent actions of Ecuadorian police seem to perpetuate one goal: silencing women. Women who face the threat of violence or murder will not be inclined to criticize the police or the government. Those that do, as seen during the Women’s Day demonstrations, actually are met with violence. State agents are attempting to cultivate a culture of self-censorship for women. According to the article “Stealth Authoritarianism” by Ozan Varol, a public inclined towards self-censorship undercuts a principle of democracy: the ability to criticize the government when it does not act in the public’s best interest. The threat of murder, certainly, is a sufficient motivator for self-censorship. Since women are the predominate advocates for other women, what happens to women’s rights when women are no longer in a position to voice criticisms? Who will convince the government to act in their best interests? A democracy which represents the interests of only one half of the population is surely no democracy at all.

Luckily, as seen by the recent protests in response to María Belén Bernal’s murder, Ecuadorian women are not ready to give in just yet. They continue to fight back in the face of violence, advocating for those who can no longer advocate for themselves. But this does not mean that the attempts to silence women have ceased. Before the March 8^th protests, there had been 22 cases of femicide in Ecuador since January 1^st. Since then, there have been 179 more – already the highest rate ever recorded, and the year isn’t over. Evidently, violence carries on in spite of protests.

Women in Ecuador are facing the most dangerous year yet, and its implications for democracy are currently subtle, but not trivial. The murder of María Belén Bernal and the subsequent investigation are clear evidence of this. One can’t help but wonder, how many more women will die – and how much further will democracy erode – before the Ecuadorian government takes measures to protect women?