In May 2022, Sinn Féin, Northern Ireland’s largest nationalist party, won the most seats in the Northern Ireland Assembly, marking the first time a nationalist party in support of a reunited Ireland has won the most seats under Northern Ireland’s power-sharing agreement. The question posed by political historian Jan-Werner Muller, “Can [populism] be viewed as both friend and foe of democracy?” is particularly relevant in Sinn Féin’s victory. As a left-wing populist party, is Sinn Féin’s win an opportunity for the voices of young voters to be heard or does its violent past have dangerous implications?
The election is particularly striking because Sinn Féin is in fact the political wing of a terrorist organization. With roots in the Irish Republican Army (IRA), Sinn Féin is connected to a violent history. The IRA, a militant group with the belief that all of Ireland must be independent from British rule, played a violent role in the Troubles, a tumultuous period of time in Northern Ireland where 3,600 people were killed. While Sinn Féin considers itself a “totally separate organization,” they do not condemn the IRA’s militant history. Mary Lou McDonald, the president of Sinn Féin, says the IRA’s actions were “justified” and if given the opportunity, she would’ve joined the cause. Arguing that the violence was “utterly inevitable,” the Sinn Féin party is still a symbol of the violence that plagued the Irish border. Previously considered a political pariah because of its connections to the IRA, how did Sinn Féin gain political power?
Analysts have been quick to point to Brexit, attributing Northern Irelanders’ anger towards Britain as the main factor in Sinn Féin’s growing popularity. They are partially right, Northern Irelanders are incredibly unsatisfied with Brexit. One result of Brexit, the Northern Ireland Protocol, a protocol that forces border checks on goods coming from Britain to Northern Ireland, specifically angered unionists because it represents further separation from Britain, essentially turning the Irish Sea into a border. As a result, unionists are turning away from mainstream unionist parties and instead backing Sinn Féin.
What is being overlooked, however, is the populist appeal of Sinn Féin’s anti-establishment and progressive policies. The reunification of Ireland was not heavily discussed in the run-up to this election. Sinn Féin instead pushed for “state-led social democracy,” emphasizing their commitment to climate change, worker’s rights, healthcare, and the cost of living. Sinn Féin found success because “the party pitched itself not as a protest vote against the languorous duopoly, but as a dynamic new future for the troubled island.” The once incredibly polarized Northern Ireland, nationalists vs unionists, Catholics vs. Protestants, is moving beyond those divisions, and strong ties to religion and party loyalty have decreased. Sinn Féin is capitalizing on the decreasing cleavages, shifting the election focus from Ireland reunification to specific policies that appeal to a large group of Northern Irelanders, not just Catholics and nationalists.
Sinn Féin is especially finding success among young voters because it represents the “first real political alternative the country has seen in several decades.” In exit polls, Sinn Féin held a 16 point lead among young voters. The top concern for Northern Irelanders in the past election was the economy, and Sinn Féin made economic promises that appealed to young voters. Sinn Féin is aware of how its policies resonate with young voters, and it capitalizes on it, endorsing LGBTQ+ and reproductive rights and pledging to abolish student fees. Former Fine Gael politician, Kate O’Connell, argues that “attacking Sinn Féin for sins… of the past doesn’t seem to wash with younger voters” because while the troubled past of Sinn Féin still haunts older voters, young voters either don’t remember or didn’t even live through it.
Globally, populism is causing democratic backsliding, with 23% of populist leaders causing significant backsliding. Given global trends, there are concerns about what a Sinn Féin majority means for Northern Ireland, especially considering Sinn Féin’s language surrounding Britain and the peace process to a post-sectarian united Ireland. Sinn Féin refuses to use the legal terms, “Northern Ireland,” and, “the Republic of Ireland,” because to do so would be to accept partition. It is alarming that Sinn Féin instead uses terms like, “the North,” and, “down there,” refusing to acknowledge the state and preferring its own denominations over legally correct terms. Sinn Féin blames setbacks in the peace process on British securocrats, but the party refuses to answer questions regarding who those specific securocrats are or why they would want to halt the peace process. Arguing that the IRA’s warfare was working towards peace, Sinn Féin is closed off to any other solutions besides reunification and presents itself as the only possible party to lead that process.
Worryingly, the party continues to maintain strong connections to the IRA. In fact, in the recent election, one formerly incarcerated IRA terrorist won a seat representing Sinn Féin. Gerry Adams, former president of Sinn Féin, says, “I have never dissociated myself from the IRA and I never will.” Adams refers to the IRA as, “the army,” equating the IRA’s legitimacy to that of the actual armed forces of the state. Another area of concern is Sinn Féin’s stance on Ireland’s Special Criminal Court, a juryless court where terrorists and members of serious organized crime, including IRA terrorists, are tried. For years, Sinn Féin has voted against the continuation of this court due to its allegiance to the IRA, and it has only recently started to abstain from the vote.
While the younger Irish generation may have forgotten the troubled past of Sinn Féin, it still lingers. As recently as 2020, Ireland’s police chief, Drew Harris, said he believed Sinn Féin is still overseen by the IRA despite party leaders’ persistent denial. To answer Jan-Warner Mueller’s question, unless Sinn Féin cuts all ties with the IRA, populism may be a foe.
The example of Ireland is really interesting as it offers a real and current example of this question of whether populism is a friend or foe of democracy. I most often only think of populism as a foe, but this example demonstrated how the question isn’t always so black and white. It’s clear how Sinn Féin has gained so much support despite its affiliation with the IRA given its progressive stance on issues like reproductive and LGBTQ+ rights. Additionally, you bring up a good point that the younger generation has not lived through those experiences which may cause the older generation to be wary of Sinn Féin.
I also was interested in the point you brought up about how decreasing cleavages, in this case, those of nationalists vs unionists and Catholics vs. Protestants, causes a decrease in polarization. This again exemplifies what we’ve learned in class. However, this time, this decrease in cleavages and polarization can be used by populists to gain larger support and is therefore not always a positive. This is interesting because it again blurs the line between what is positive and negative.
Sinn Féin exemplifies how parties can advocate for inclusivity and democracy, while simultaneously supporting measures that are undemocratic and uninclusive. So, voters are either too blinded by the fact that their grievances are being answered to acknowledge the latter, or they recognize both but are now forced to choose to sacrifice one – choose not to support a party that finally addresses their concerns or do support one regardless of the potential consequences.
You did an excellent job relating Muller’s definition of populism to this modern-day example. Northern Ireland’s politics are quite interesting due to the ever-changing nature of Brexit and its economic consequences. You explained Sinn Féin’s voter base very well and did a good job of dissecting how they gathered their supporters. It is quite interesting how these voters are supporting the party even with its links to the IRA. I think that demonstrates the difference in how Northern Ireland sees their history, and how the rest of the world, specifically England, views it. I think this demonstrates how displeased Northern Ireland is with their English leaders, and how they want to create change. I was not familiar with the anti-pluralist language that Sinn Féin uses to describe their policies, and I think that this is a clear modern-day example of our studies of populism in this course. I wonder if Sinn Féin continues its association with the IRA, it will begin to face condemnation from global organizations, or other countries. Or, does this mean that Ireland’s reunification is closer than ever?
This is a really interesting concept – both of positive populism but also of populism from a persecuted state. Ireland has a very complex history with both Britain and the EU at large, which you discuss in here, but I feel like the connection from that to populism is missing. Ireland clearly has a very very long history with Britain, and never a positive one. There is incredibly deeply ingrained generational strife with England dating back to the 12th century, where Britain restricted land ownership, religious freedom, and Northern Irish Schools were not allowed to teach culture or language or fly the Irish flag. There was a considerable amount of unjust and undemocratic behavior and guerilla-style warfare both from the IRA and the British, both believing they were protecting their democracies. On Bloody Sunday in 1972, the conflict began as a peaceful protest against British internment policy. Several marchers were shot and killed by the British. This is to say, that while much of IRA history is bloody and violent, it was in many ways not a less democratic response than the British had. It is, in fact, out of a desire for democracy these fights occurred. The terrorism came from both sides. So, for a history so complicated as this one, the real question that needs to be examined is: what does population mean for a state where the persecution peddled by the populists is not fake, and in fact sits front and center in everyone’s personal or generational memory? I suggest reading Bruno Bettelheim’s “Schizophrenia as a Reaction to Extreme Situations” which tackles this on a personal level, but in many ways can be brought to a larger, multi-state level. I ask you to think about whether instead of the young generation forgetting or not caring about the IRA and the British conflict, maybe a bend towards populism is a younger and more cosmopolitan generation’s reaction to a genuine show that the elites in charge cannot be trusted, don’t speak for them, and may be carrying out real persecution.