Rodrigo Duterte’s presidency from 2016 to 2022 launched the Philippines into political turmoil and democratic backsliding, taking similar actions to the authoritarian ruler Ferdinand Marcos. Duterte’s presidency was defined by aggressive attacks on the media and the “war on drugs” campaign that led to the deaths of 30,000 individuals, who were accused of drug-related crimes. His presidency marked a shift toward authoritarian practices, with democratic institutions weakening under violence and suppression.
During his “War on Drugs” campaign, Duterte took extreme measures to prevent drugs be spreading throughout the country. He allowed police officers to falsify evidence and continued to allow them to commit mass murders for his campaign. Among the victims were dozens of children under the age of 18, while others were killed as “collateral damage” during anti-drug raids. Most of the cases that were filed against the police force were dismissed, either due to a lack of evidence or, because the authorities knew they were unlikely to face any real punishment. Only the court cases that had videos of the drug raids were able to succeed in court. I see this as an intimidation factor towards the citizens of the Philippines because of the fear it creates in society. This fear has allowed Duterte to take over other branches, like the legislative branch, to pursue his goals. The “War on Drugs” Campaign was one the biggest reasons for democratic backsliding, It was a decision led by the president, and disregarded the feelings of the people.
Another tool that President Duterte used to solidify his control of democracy was by threatening the media. In 2016, when he began his mass purge of drug users, many media organizations made publications of the deaths. In response to his actions being exposed to citizens, he began threatening these news outlets. Some reporters were charged and arrested while others were verbally threatened. One Journalist who served to bring awareness to the killings is Filipina Journalist Maria Ressa who has been arrested twice and threatened by the police. Because of her news companies’ reportings, Rappler, Duertes himself has threatened these journalists saying “Just because you’re a journalist, you think you’re exempted from assassination?” His attempts at suppressing the media have been partially successful, which has resulted in democracy in the Philippines being further eroded.
With the new Election of President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. in 2022, Citizens hope the Philippines will see a shift toward more democratic leadership compared to the previous ruler Rodrigo Duterte who took an authoritarian style of government. While Marcos Jr.’s presidency has not finished, he has returned to conventional and democratic political practices. His approach has focused on restoring political stability, but he still faces challenges from Duterte’s “War on Drugs” and the lingering issues of corruption in the police force. Although he has taken a step forward to restore democracy, it will take a long time to reverse the erosion caused by Rodrigo Dueterte.
https://www.journalofdemocracy.org/online-exclusive/the-son-also-rises/
After reading your article, I couldn’t help but feel the weight of what Duterte’s presidency did to the Philippines. It wasn’t just the killings—it was how quickly fear became a tool for control. His “War on Drugs” wasn’t just about crime; it was about breaking down the systems that were meant to keep leaders in check. You really captured how his tactics were designed to weaken democracy itself. The ICC arrest brings all of that into focus again, showing the world what so many of us have seen all along—that his actions weren’t just dangerous at home, but a serious blow to global human rights standards. Now, with Marcos Jr. back in the picture, there’s this hope for stability, but I’m not convinced. Changing the tone doesn’t change the fact that so many institutions were broken under Duterte. The corruption is still there, the media landscape is still fragile, and it feels like we’re trying to fix things with words, not real change. Until there’s real accountability for what happened, I’m not sure we’re any better off than before.
I think that your article provides a detailed critique of Rodrigo Duterte’s presidency which clearly highlights the authoritarian shift in the Philippines during his administration, especially through the “War on Drugs” and media suppression. You connect Duterte’s actions to the broader and global trend of democratic backsliding, focusing on the consequences for political institutions and civil liberties. I also think that the mention of Maria Ressa’s struggle against government oppression is a good example of the personal and institutional toll taken by Duterte’s attacks on the media. Given that Ferdinand Marcos Jr. has focused on restoring political stability, how do you think his approach to the “War on Drugs” and media freedom will impact the Philippines’ path toward fully recovering its democratic values?
Hi, Matthew! I agree with most of your observations about the Duterte presidency here in the Philippines. I hope you’ve come across the recent news about Duterte’s arrest by the ICC last March 2025. However, despite some local surveys showing that the majority of Filipinos support the arrest, it’s also undeniable how much support he still has. This was evident in the last midterm elections, where most senatorial candidates aligned with him won office. There are also numerous protests calling for his return and questioning the legality of the arrest, also tells something about the current state of democracy in the Philippines. Nevertheless, although the current president, Marcos Jr., appears to be more constitutional and rule-based on the surface, I personally believe he is undermining Philippine democracy as well. It might not be through the dramatic rhetoric and open defiance seen under Duterte, but in a manner more similar to his late dictator father, that is more calculated and sophisticated, yet still undemocratic at its very heart. Red-tagging is still rampant, the government continues to prioritize counterinsurgency, media freedom remains under threat, and the creation of the Maharlika Fund lacked transparency and safeguards. There has also been a push for constitutional reforms. Despite the rift between the Marcos and Duterte factions, a truly pro-people opposition remains lacking power, and as long as either of them holds the position, democracy in the Philippines will remain at risk. Our country is indeed still far from achieving the democracy we aspire to have.
I appreciate your emphasis on the severity of democratic erosion during Rodrigo Duterte’s presidency, as someone who witnessed his entire administration. He certainly violated constitutional checks and balances, aggrandized the executive, and cracked down on media freedoms. He also normalized a culture of impunity and violence through not only the drug war, but also launching a militarized “anti-terrorism” movement that resulted in unjust killings of activists and civilians who have not been given justice to this day. It is true that Duterte eroded democratic institutions so severely that it would take more than one presidential administration to rebuild them.
I also agree that the current president, Ferdinand Marcos Jr. has actively tried to stabilize Philippine democracy and return to democratic norms. A prominent media figure even credited Marcos Jr. for creating a freer atmosphere for the press. However, his posturing as a more democratic leader may be less out of a genuine intention for political progress and more of a well-constructed attempt to build an image as a credible, morally upright leader compared to his more crass, unsophisticated predecessor, Rodrigo Duterte. This image-building was observable since the beginning of his term, but is more evident now as he tries to get the public on his side amidst his ongoing feud with the more popular Duterte family.
Aside from this, though it’s true that Marcos Jr. is adhering to conventional democratic practices, in many ways, he has maintained or even benefited from the institutions Duterte broke. Under the Marcos administration, Vote-buying is more alive than ever, political power is still concentrated in political dynasties such as his own family, the use of public funds lacks transparency as exposed in budget deliberations, and social inequalities persist. He used his family’s networks and resources for his 2022 campaign and relied on a disinformation network to whitewash his family name. I understand though that many of these recent events related to Marcos Jr. are more felt within the country and more reported by Philippine media. It is equally important to recognize the subtle ways Marcos is eroding Philippine democracy and benefiting from its broken institutions.