Netanyahu is seated before the start of an Israeli war cabinet meeting. (Brendan Smialowski/AFP via Getty Images)
Long considered to be the “Middle East’s only democracy,” Israel as it stands today is a shell of the idealistic Jewish utopia its Zionist founder once envisioned. The Israeli government has been under fire in recent months due to its actions in the ongoing conflict with Gaza. However, Israel is well-versed in controversy and corruption, especially under Benjamin Netanyahu. When analyzed through the scope of Ozan Varol’s Stealth Authoritarianism, it quickly becomes clear Israel is on track to erode into an autocracy under Netanyahu’s firm hand.
Varol defines stealth authoritarianism as “the use of legal mechanisms that exist in regimes with favorable democratic credentials for anti-democratic ends.” Modern political leaders manipulate the loopholes in a democratic system and attempt to hide these abuses in the name of democracy. Potential abuses (as outlined by Varol) include judicial review, electoral laws, and libel laws which slowly erode a once powerful democracy. This essay will define and expand upon the mechanisms above, analyzing the methods and motivations through which Netanyahu governs.
I. Judicial Review
Arguably the mechanism Netanyahu relies on the most, he repeatedly weaponizes judicial review to consolidate his power, delegitimize the opposition, and weaken the courts against his ongoing charges. Netanyahu’s indictments for breach of trust, bribery, and fraud are a significant motivating factor behind the reforms he has attempted to implement. In 2023, Netanyahu and his right-wing companions rolled out a comprehensive judicial reform plan. The first part of this plan included a bill that attempted to reduce the scope and oversight of the Supreme Court and change the process of appointing judges. Other parts of this reform included expanding the power of the Knesset, (the parliament/legislative branch) particularly granting it excessive authority over the judicial branch. If these reforms succeeded, the executive and legislative branches would be left unchecked, free to overrule the judicial branch as they pleased.
Netanyahu attempts to weaken checks and balances by providing justifications, thereby. “[insulating himself] from political accountability in the process” (Varol). He frames himself as a victim of the “leftist” justice system and justifies his actions by claiming to be attempting to level the playing field (The New Statesman).
Recently, Netanyahu has made history as the first prime minister not to attend the swearing-in ceremony of a judge (Haaretz). This further demonstrates Netanyahu’s refusal to recognize the opposing party as legitimate and his continued agenda to weaken the judicial branch.
II. Electoral Laws
Netanyahu is losing popularity with those who identify as Likud supporters, as 50% think he should step down before his term concludes (The Times of Israel). To secure his party’s position and his position in the upcoming election, he has made it more difficult for candidates to qualify and (continuing with the patterns above) limits the judicial branch’s ability to check the election committee. Varol aptly notes, “These high entry barriers can award systematic advantages to the incumbents and create a vicious cycle that can exclude at least some opposition parties from the political marketplace.” Netanyahu continues to encourage anti-Arab sentiment by proposing a bill that would make it easier to disqualify them from parliament. If passed, this would significantly suppress Arab voices, and would further confirm the characteristics of an illiberal democracy. This de jure discrimination directly contradicts Varol’s definition of liberal democracy as the electoral playing field is uneven, civil liberties are violated, and under this law, elections would neither be free nor fair for Arabs.
III. Libel Lawsuits
Lastly, not to be confused with least, is the war on free speech that Netanyahu has waged. Continuing with the previously mentioned problems, Netanyahu has repeatedly dismissed the media concerning his trial, expressing “I took criticism and attacks, insults, libel, and lies, in a scope that very few people and no one in Israel has ever faced.” He consistently dismisses valid criticisms, and his rhetoric often mirrors that of President Trump, who has also faced accusations of authoritarian behavior.
However, this is minor compared to the other measures Netanyahu has taken since the start of the war. Arguably the most drastic of his actions is the seizure of AP News equipment, with the justification that it was a matter of national security. Al Jazeera faced similar treatment just weeks prior. These actions followed the passage of a law allowing the government to ban foreign media outlets. Additionally, the law meant to limit Arab political participation does so by further delegitimizing their expression, and barring those who express “support for terrorism. (Foreign Policy).”
The examples used in this essay are just a small selection of Netanyahu’s numerous attempts to consolidate power. His actions directly corroborate Varol’s theories, if not more explicitly. Netanyahu’s right-wing ideologies come before his commitment to democracy, and if these authoritarian patterns continue, it is unclear what the future holds for Israel’s democratic stability.
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