Photo edited by the author. Assets from ABS-CBN, Bloomberg News, and the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project.

“Oh, how the mighty have fallen!”

In the span of months, the Dutertes came from having strong positions in Philippine society and government to the verge of collapse. The Vice President, Sara, was impeached by the House of Representatives and is awaiting trial by the Senate; the former president, Rody, has been arrested and surrendered to the International Criminal Court and is currently being tried. The other children? Left in shambles while exhausting legal means to bring their father back home. Suffice it to say, all of this has been a long time coming. Although the Dutertes and the Marcoses have shown themselves to be an ironclad alliance during the 2022 Elections, ever since President Marcos Jr’s rise to power, Vice President Duterte’s position was slowly eroded by controversy after controversy, leading to the current democratic impasse in the Philippines. It was now Marcos versus Duterte. Their so-called “UniTeam” was no more.

Forces Drifting Apart

It has long been established that the Duterte Administration introduced a period of democratic backsliding in the Philippines. Rodrigo Duterte stood for everything undemocratic: human rights violations, executive aggrandizement, and silencing of critics, among others. Known for his vulgar personality in the eyes of the public, Former President Duterte ensured that he delivered on his promises to enact violence against drug users and pushers. It is this promise that defined the direction of his administration. Violence became his tool to ensure that no one would challenge him out of fear and also gain the support of those who believed that drugs, its users, and pushers were the salot ng lipunan (menace of society). During the onset of his electoral campaign, he claimed that he would eradicate drugs in the span of 3 months from the start of his administration. Unsurprisingly, this did not happen. Many drug users and pushers were killed, yes, but also innocent men, women, and children. At the same time, the Philippines was left in a state of institutional decline and a polarized society by the end of Duterte’s term. Yet, the drug problem remained unsolved.

However, everything gradually changed when 2022 rolled around. Bongbong Marcos’ bid for presidency was met not only with widespread support from Marcos family supporters, but also with fears that he would continue the legacy of his dictator father. Furthermore, his running mate was Rodrigo Duterte’s daughter Sara, who exhibited the same violent and macho rhetorical tendencies as her father.

They won. The Duterte Legacy has been continued through Sara.

But the cracks immediately started showing when it was reported that Sara desired to become Secretary for National Defense, but the President relegated her to Secretary of Education. After this, things were relatively calm and, in some ways, have halted the backsliding initiated by the previous administration. Institutions became relatively stronger once more, human rights violations have somehow lessened, and regard for the rule of law was also returned. Despite this purported democratic resilience, however, Marcos Jr.’s administration was not without flaws; prices remained high, drug–related killings continued, and press freedom remained stifled, among other issues. During the early period of the administration, the name “Duterte” took a backseat. However, it was up until the controversies surrounding the Vice President’s use of confidential funds that the Duterte name began making waves once more.

Descent into Crisis

The confidential funds issue was Sara (and by extension, Rodrigo) Duterte’s Pandora’s Box. It was marked by the beginning of a series of legislative inquiries that have implicated the Office of the Vice President in a case of misappropriation of funds. The Vice President displayed continued defiance towards the House of Representatives through continuous arrogance and display of doubt towards their evidence (the ‘Mary Grace Piattos’ fiasco). This has led to, arguably, a loss of confidence from the House and Filipinos (at least, those who are not Duterte supporters) which paved the way for her impeachment. Ironically enough, Marcos Jr. has repeatedly expressed that he does not support the calls for her impeachment.

At the same time, Rodrigo Duterte was also investigated by the House for the “alleged” extrajudicial killings during his term. Several key figures testified, such as Colonel Jovie Espenido and Former Colonel Rohinya Garma, lending more credence to the existence of plans that aimed to eradicate the drug-ridden populations across the country. Despite Marcos Jr’s repeated assertion that the government would not cooperate, the ICC’s investigation into this continued, which culminated in his arrest.

Despite their position, the Dutertes remain defiant and have only grown more aggressive against Marcos Jr., his allies, and the current administration. Since the UniTeam’s inception, it was already a fragile alliance since it was evident that both Marcos and Duterte had their self-interests in mind. The recent developments have only shown that it has truly gone up in smoke and that its sides had become hostile towards one another. Perhaps a petrifying effect of this rift was the resurgence of pernicious polarization brought about by the vilification of the current administration by Duterte supporters. The Dutertes’ ability to rally their supporters and attack the institutions involved in Rody’s arrest and Sara’s impeachment is their strongest weapon. The current polarization is now gradually brewing into an institutional crisis. The Dutertes stand as a continued hostile entity against the legitimacy and stability of the current administration. Though Marcos Jr. is in an advantageous position because of how Sara and Rody were dealt with, the latter still retain a strong influence on Filipinos which may prove to be a detriment later on. Rody’s legacy, in particular, acts as a pervading influence as supporters continue to tout his administration’s War on Drugs as some sort of “glory days,” especially amid his arrest and the recent 2025 Midterm Elections. Is there a continued prospect for democratic resilience and stability?

Towards Depolarization and Resilience

All of this is not a battle of good versus evil, as both Marcos and Duterte supporters might make it out to be. Borrowing the term used by disgraced lawyer Harry Roque, it is a battle of Kadiliman versus Kasamaan (Darkness versus Evil). No one truly wins here; the Filipinos stand to lose a lot at the prospect of a degrading democracy. But there are many things that the people can do to lessen the losses. For one, power is rooted in discourse. The Dutertes continue to exercise considerable influence over the prevailing political discourse especially on social media. If opposition groups can shift the dominant ideas, perhaps this could become a steppingstone in the protection of democratic principles. Of course, the recent elections are decisive in the political climate of the months to come, especially considering Sara Duterte’s upcoming impeachment trial. The aftermath of the midterm elections saw a victory for key opposition figures such as Kiko Pangilinan, Bam Aquino, and the Akbayan Partylist, severely beating the odds stacked against them. This victory is unprecedented, as previous surveys have shown that they only have a slither of a chance at a win. This fact will become important later on as they will play a huge role in the decisive impeachment trial.

Whether or not Filipinos have truly embodied the words “vote wisely” is up for debate. Though these words have been repeated time and again, they are imperative and will become resounding in the days to come. As the recent elections have shown, the choice of the people greatly matters in determining the political status quo. If we want to depolarize Philippine politics, then perhaps a crucial step in doing so is to acknowledge the diversity of ideas and positions amid our various roles in society. It is not simply UniTeam vs Kakampinks, or Marcos versus Duterte, but rather, we have the capacity to hold different political views without necessarily vilifying those who think otherwise. We must support those that truly stand for democratic principles and the rights of Filipinos especially the marginalized. Continue to stand with political actors who go beyond the system so that we may eventually transcend binaries and poles. A step in depolarization is also a step for democratic resilience.

But, if we do continue down the polarized path, we risk the death of democracy in the Philippines.