Private military companies (PMCs) have long blurred the line between state power and profit, but few have done so as effectively—or destructively—as the Wagner Group. Central to Russia’s recent invasion of Ukraine, Wagner has since established itself as a force in African conflicts over the past ten years by providing military protection to governments under attack in exchange for control of natural resources. This “security-for-resources” model enables autocratic leaders to maintain power, while it weakens democratic institutions, which allows Moscow to increase its global presence. The “Africa Corps” operates under Russian state authority (namely, Russia’s GRU intelligence agency) following the death of Yevgeny Prigozhin (leader of Wagner) in 2023, while maintaining his group’s operations under the new name. The basic operational framework of the group remained intact, although it changed by substituting weapons with money and self-governance with basic survival requirements (https://tinyurl.com/mryd3n7p).

The African expansion of Wagner took place with few external factors influencing its development, aside from France’s recent massive withdrawal of military involvement in many countries. The group moved into abandoned Western territories, which had become survival zones because of rising insecurity. Notably, the state authority in Mali, the Central African Republic (CAR), and Sudan faced collapse due to ongoing insurgencies and economic breakdowns. Leaders who experienced rebellion or regime collapse found Wagner to be an appealing solution because it provided them with military defense and disinformation operations, as well as elite security protection. The payment system operated through mining concessions and smuggling routes, and political influence rather than public budgets and transparent contracts. The agreements between these regimes and Wagner established a framework that was detrimental to democracy, allowing governments to cede their authority for swift control as Wagner gained strength through both resource exploitation and military domination (https://tinyurl.com/4k8uyfmn).

The case of the Central African Republic is perhaps the clearest illustration. Since 2018, Wagner operatives have provided personal protection to PM Faustin-Archange Touadéra and trained government forces. Wagner-linked companies received control of the Ndassima gold mine, which previously operated under Canadian management but now functions as part of a front company network that faces U.S. sanctions. The local population encounters two primary issues: one includes being forced to leave their homes and facing physical harm when they attempt to access mining areas protected by foreign military forces. The profits rarely reach the public purse. Instead, they sustain the regime and its Russian backers. The situation in Mali follows the same pattern as in other countries. Following the 2021 military coup and the departure of French and UN forces, Wagner entered the country as Mali’s new “security partner.” In the town of Moura, UN investigators later reported that Malian troops and foreign operatives—believed to be Wagner—massacred over 500 civilians. The government denied any misconduct but made it obvious that counterterrorism operations would continue without any form of supervision.

Cooperative regimes find instant benefits in their agreements with Wagner. Private military companies deliver high-tech military power without the political expenses that accompany foreign troops or peacekeepers and parliamentary consent. These instruments allow rulers to suppress opposition groups while blocking coups and showing their position as protectors of the nation against foreign threats. The very presence of Wagner in Moscow provides diplomatic advantages and economic gains through access to gold and diamonds, uranium resources, and new UN alliances and expanded influence that remains outside Western sanctions. The Africa Corps under Wagner’s command developed an enhanced bond between the two organizations because it transitioned from a semi-private mercenary force into an official Russian state military unit, which operated with unattributable actions.

The process contains a continuous series of steps. The security situation worsens namely when Western nations pull out their military forces from the area. PMCs deliver advanced security services and counterinsurgency operations, which lead to their entry into resource extraction activities. The U.S. Treasury Department has been confirmed to have exposed multiple companies directly linked to funneling money to Wagner via African gold mines (https://tinyurl.com/2t339p86). Wagner’s information campaign promotes “sovereign friendship” with African states through social media content and radio programs, and mural paintings, while it denounces Western “neo-colonialism.” Finally, domestic institutions wither since parliaments face marginalization, while journalists face harassment, and elections become events that take place through fear and deceptive information. The system depends on personal power networks, but wealth functions through hidden mechanisms, and democratic institutions are now experiencing rising instability (https://tinyurl.com/2v9vnr94).

The situation creates major democratic consequences that extend far beyond this specific case. Scholars Nancy Bermeo and Steven Levitsky explain that democratic erosion occurs through a gradual legal framework, which includes court-packing, gerrymandering, and censorship through legal means (https://tinyurl.com/yubvve2h). Wagner’s model presents a similar method of repression, deeply involving privatization. Regimes use foreign contractors to carry out coercion, which enables them to suppress opposition without facing official responsibility. Wagner’s soldiers wear no national uniforms, sign no public contracts, and answer to no legislature. The violence is both deniable and effective. The operations of Wagner in Africa serve as a modern example of “outsourced authoritarianism,” which enables states to achieve control through illegal activities. Populist and extreme nationalist sentiments spread by Wagner have led to citizens of impacted states to firmly believe that the arrival of Wagner equates to the arrival of political and economic stability.

The system also produces income from taxation but prevents citizens from gaining political representation. Resource rents from gold and diamonds flow directly to rulers and their foreign patrons, bypassing state institutions. The revenue generation from natural resources and military services by governments makes them independent from traditional legitimacy methods based on taxation and electoral processes. Third, it spreads narratives that numb reality. Wagner has conducted social media influence operations that depict Russia as an anti-colonial power while labeling its opponents as Western-controlled agents. The outcome leads to a loss of vital information, which democratic discussions need to function properly.

Defenders of the Wagner model make several counterclaims. The system lacks security benefits based on the existing evidence. The military campaign of Wagner has led to the recapture of several towns, but the insurgency continues, and the number of civilian deaths has increased. Western contractors allegedly performed similar actions in both Iraq and Afghanistan, according to different sources. The main distinction between Wagner and other private military companies stems from its direct connection to the Russian state and its involvement in local political structures and funding through resource exploitation. Finally, some African leaders and citizens see the group as an anti-colonial alternative to Western powers. True sovereignty requires leaders to be answerable to their people. The implementation of hidden mining concessions together with foreign-operated prisons results in a loss of national sovereignty instead of promoting independence.

The Africa Corps has now expanded its operations throughout the Sahel region. Russia supplies equipment and training to the Alliance of Sahel States, including Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger, under the banner of counterterrorism and security. The main danger stems from military forces taking control of governmental operations and receiving clandestine foreign financial support. According to the BBC, “Russia has extracted $2.5bn worth of gold from Africa in the past two years, which is likely to have helped fund its war in Ukraine, according to the Blood Gold Report.” Each of these regimes emerged through coups, not elections. The fact that they rely on Russian support shows they have given up on democratic reforms to create a lasting autocratic government.

The lessons for democrats are clear. Security and democracy cannot be traded like commodities. The practice of rulers hiring foreign mercenaries for defense work leads them to give up their claimed authority of self-governance. The system maintains its operation through resource concessions and off-budget revenues, which require public and journalist and activist monitoring of financial flows. Western and African democracies should compete by delivering real security measures and dependable information, and development programs that create authentic legitimacy. Any sanctions should target the logistical backbone of the network by focusing on shell companies and media operations.

Wagner’s story is more than a tale of mercenaries. The group functions as a warning on democratic breakdowns that occur when private security forces begin protecting a state. People throughout the Sahel region and Central Africa have discovered that government exchanges of gold for weapons result in both diminished freedom and lost peace. The Africa Corps maintains its security protection through new uniforms and insignia, but its deterioration of states continues to worsen.