Sub-Saharan Africa is largely autocratic, with only about 10% of the region considered to be democratic. Benin, one of the only five democracies, is now sliding down a path of authoritarianism. On December 7, 2025, a group of soldiers in Benin launched a coup in an attempt to destabilize the state and its institutions. This attack was the first serious threat in decades and a clear example of the country’s crumbling democracy. However, Benin’s democratic erosion is not just a result of domestic authoritarian pressures, but also from the presence of extremist groups leading to flawed elite counterterrorism through international partners, and executive stealth authoritarianism.

The coup leaders, known as the Military Committee for Refoundation (CMR), announced the removal of President Patrice Talon and other state institutions, accusing the current administration of corruption, poor governance, and military neglect. At least one civilian was killed before loyalist forces restored civilian control. In recent years, Benin has struggled to maintain a secure environment due to an influx of extremist groups, killing soldiers and civilians alike. The Al-Qaida affiliated group, Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), has infiltrated border communities who have experienced similar grievances to the coup leaders, including neglect, poor infrastructure, and entrenched economic marginalization. Lipset’s modernization theory argues that modernized areas with increased education and economic security often permit those in the lower strata to develop complex views of politics and make them less receptive to supporting extremist ideologies. Following this logic, underdeveloped areas, like Benin’s borders, become opportunities for these groups to offer protection, justice, and economic alternatives to populations who feel ignored by their government. As a result, the country has invested heavily in elite counterterrorism units and partnered with nations, like the United States, to gain rapid results in training while ignoring broader institutional needs to improve national defense and fortify democratic practices. 

On a larger scale, the coup exposed a pattern of vulnerability spreading across West Africa. It stands as an example of a state that was trained by international partners to fight terrorism, supporting elite units blindly rather than working to improve security as a whole. International agents like the U.S. must aim to redirect their military programs to measure success based on strengthening civilian control, reducing intramilitary inequality, and building institutions that can prevent terrorism from expanding. If these measures aren’t put in place, Benin could experience a lowering of barriers to military intervention in politics. We have seen this pattern in nearby states like Mali and Niger, where military juntas disrupted regional cooperation through coups led by special-forces officers and severed their Western security partnerships, seeking alternative authoritarian alliances. Scholars Lust and Waldner emphasize the correlation between international linkages and the efficacy of Western pressure. When nations break ties with liberal-democratic regimes and form bonds with autocratic states, the weaker the pressure towards democratization becomes. Because of this, deep divisions are forming between states associated with extremist groups and those that remain aligned with Western-backed initiatives, making regional toleration much more difficult to sustain. Although Benin is suffering from external extremist ideology and flawed counterterrorism mechanisms, we’ve also seen an influx of authoritarian measures and corruption established under the current administration.

Since 2016, Talon and his administration have used corruption and stealth authoritarianism to disadvantage their opposition. In 2019, government authorities disqualified, arrested, or forced major opposition candidates into exile, leaving two opponents who did not serve any significant opposition against Talon. Reckya Madougou, a pro-democracy campaigner and presidential candidate, was convicted of financing terrorism and arrested before the election despite there being little support for the claim. She was charged by The Court of Punishment of Economic Crime and Terrorism (CRIET), which has been suspected of targeting political opponents and journalists. This is a version of stealth authoritarianism, where leaders use legal mechanisms with favorable democratic credentials for anti-democratic purposes. By taking advantage of the courts’ powers, Talon utilized judicial review to consolidate his power and demonstrate his “democratic credentials”, allowing him to win reelection despite voter turnout reaching a historic low in 2021. After the recent coup, the opposition party, Les Démocrates, lost all seats in parliament after not obtaining 20% of the national vote, a recent electoral measure put in place under Talon. Only the Republican Bloc and the Progressive Union for Renewal, two parties aligned with the president, won seats in the assembly. Benin’s parliament has also recently approved a constitutional reform extending presidential terms from five to seven years and creating a new senate consisting of former heads of state and appointees of the president. These reforms are another example of stealth authoritarianism: the adoption of electoral laws to disadvantage opposition. By increasing term limits and creating a new legislative body consisting of executive-appointed officials, the president becomes much more powerful with little possible opposition. Although these reforms have yet to be approved by the Constitutional Court, they are fueling extreme concerns of democratic backsliding and elite entrenchment.

Benin still has the ability to combat authoritarianism, however, with the gradual expansion of extremist groups, flawed training from international agents, and executive manipulation, the state is currently experiencing democratic backsliding. Although Talon is barred from running for reelection, his close ally, Finance Minister Romauld Wadagni, is assumed to replace him. The survival of Benin’s democracy depends on strengthening civilian inclusion, an increase in efficient security institutions, and the equal distribution of economic development. If new protective measures aren’t put in place soon, Benin risks joining its other authoritarian neighbors, reducing the already small number of democracies left in Sub-Saharan Africa.