Feb 13, 2026

Italy Through the Lens of Democratic Erosion

By: Benedetta Rossi

Are We Still Living in a WEIRD World?

In the last decade, the world has witnessed a growing instability of democratic institutions in countries considered to be consolidated democracies–the so-called W.E.I.R.D. world (Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich, Democratic). Nationalist and autocratic leaders are gaining more and more support from the population, as opposing political parties become increasingly polarized, and competition becomes violent and often dishonest. European countries are not immune to this phenomenon. In Germany, the insurgent far-right party Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) secured 11 seats in the European Parliament. In Hungary, Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz (Hungarian Civic Union) has consolidated its dominance, while in Spain the xenophobic and strongly nationalist party Vox, founded in 2013, is receiving growing electoral support. In France, the far-right Rassemblement National (RN) led by Marine Le Pen is becoming the strongest opposition force to the current government. Italy’s current government, led by Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, is also considered to be a threat to its constitutional democracy.

Risks of Democratic Erosion In Italy

Giorgia Meloni, co-founder of the right-wing party Fratelli d’Italia, was elected Prime Minister of the Italian Republic in 2022. Throughout her administration there have been numerous polemics surrounding her political orientation, seeing as she started her career as national leader of the student movement of the National Alliance (AN), a post-fascist party that became the legal successor of neo-fascist political party Italian Social Movement (MSI). Her political activity has recently generated controversy and sparked public debate regarding some legislative proposals, deemed to be unconstitutional by many.

A big wave of controversy has recently stemmed from a reform bill proposed by the government following a series of high-tension protests. Meloni’s led administration decided to tighten the grip on demonstrations and crimes committed by the youth. This bill has provoked a strong reaction from the opposition, and has been regarded as unconstitutional and anti-democratic. The main concerns are about three articles in particular. The first one would have imposed a pre-payment by the organizers of each demonstration as a form of caution that could cover possible damages. It was eventually vetoed by the President of the Italian Republic Mattarella, who decreed that it conflicted with article 17 of the Constitution, which states the right of citizens to demonstrate peacefully. The second one, which was passed in Parliament, consists as a protection to people who commit violent acts, if they are justified by legitimate motives. The problem is that this article, before being modified under direct orders of  President Mattarella, was explicitly addressed to protect police officers, who could have been the only beneficiaries of special treatment before the law. The last one introduces a preventive custody of people who are suspected to be dangerous at protests. The police have the authority to detain suspects up to 12 hours, if there are “reasonable grounds” for suspicion. These laws cast doubts on the balance between State authorities and citizens. When this happens, there is a risk of undermining the legitimacy of democracy and its procedural definitions, as defined by Robert Dahl in his work Polyarchy–such as freedom of expression and public contestation. 

Another big theme in the risk of democratic erosion in Italy orbits around a proposed reform in the judiciary system, regarding the separation of the single self-governed superintendent body of judges and prosecutors into two separate ones. The proposal is targeted to stop legal officials from electing their representatives based on political affiliations. The opposition complains that the consequence of this change would result in the government having increased control over the judicial process. If this is true, current politicians in charge could indeed be trying to undermine democracy. As Ozan Varol illustrates in his book Stealth Authoritarianism, judicial review can be used to consolidate and centralize executive power, and the exploitation of legal officers can lead to the elimination of institutional checks, such as court independence. He further states that these are some of the mechanisms that can bring to constitutional retrogression.

President of the Italian Republic Sergio Mattarella and Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni

The Unmaking of a Constitution

The country has been a parliamentary democracy since 1946, after the liberation of the country from the Nazi-fascist occupation. The Italian Constitution describes the fundamental laws, values and principles of the Italian State, and establishes the political organization on which it is based. The first article of the Italian Constitution states that: 

Italy is a democratic republic, founded on work.

Sovereignty belongs to the people, who exercise it in the forms and limits of the Constitution.

Vital to the essence of the Italian Constitution is its intrinsic characteristic of rigidity, meaning that it cannot be altered by ordinary legislation, but only through a special legislative procedure that requires broader consensus than that of a simple majority. This rigidity is fundamental to safeguard the constitutional order and to avoid regression into authoritarianism, and it is currently weakening. It is becoming more and more feasible for those in power to reshape legal and institutional frameworks in ways that jeopardize the democratic norm of institutional forbearance; that is, politicians restraining from using their legal power to the fullest extent. The current Italian government is showing increasing detachment from norms that are essential to guarantee our right as citizens to freely practice democracy. Like Italian history can attest, it is not easy to recognize warning signs; many Italians nowadays seem to underestimate signals that could signify danger for their democratic rights. Those currently in power gained support through a campaign fixed on nationalism, which in the last years was proven to be appealing among populations worldwide. Nationalism is based on the belief that people sharing a common identity should govern themselves, either as a democracy or as an autocracy. Political elites use this belief to legitimize their authority and their policies. The danger of this ideological current is the politicization of race, ethnicity, and religion, which feeds resentment and conflict among political identities.

The Italian left and center wing parties are barely able to materialize effective opposition. Mutual toleration and constructive debate is becoming rarer as the political and cultural views of different parties become increasingly divergent. Citizens find themselves as spectators of a polarized political conflict, and are prevented from making a sensible choice in deciding who should lead their country. Democracy is founded on the principle of electing individuals who work to realize the will of the people, who should be considered political equals. The population is slowly losing authority and the ability to formulate and have their preferences weighted, causing the undermining of the concept of democracy as a whole.   

 

References:

Perché le destre vincono in Europa. (n.d.). Fondazione Feltrinelli. https://europa.fondazionefeltrinelli.it/perche-le-destre-vincono-in-europa/

Senato della Repubblica. (2019). Constitution of the Italian Republic. In Constitution of the Italian Republic. https://www.senato.it/documenti/repository/istituzione/costituzione_inglese.pdf

Giuffrida, A. (2026, February 12). ‘Enemies of Italy’? Meloni’s rebuke of Olympics protesters shows ‘repressive’ drift, say critics. The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/feb/12/giorgia-meloni-government-cracking-down-protest-italy

Chiarello, R. (2026, February 5). Il Decreto Sicurezza passa da Mattarella e approda in Consiglio dei ministri. The Epoch Times. https://www.epochtimes.it/il-decreto-sicurezza-passa-da-mattarella-e-approda-in-consiglio-dei-ministri-189660.html

Jo, E. A. (2025, September 29). Good to Know: Nationalism and democracy. Good Authority. https://goodauthority.org/news/good-to-know-nationalism-and-democracy/

 

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