Feb 14, 2026

Stealth Authoritarianism in Tunisia

By: Lisandra Mejia

According to Al Jazeera, Tunisia’s January 2026 sentencing of two journalists to three year prison terms for allegedly “spreading false news” illustrates the broader pattern of democratic erosion under president Kais Saied. Once widely regarded as the only democratic success story of the 2011 Arab spring, Tunisia is now perceived to be one of the main examples of how stealth authoritarianism and populism is able to infiltrate democratic institutions. Saied’s legitimization of vague laws, and his utilization of populism is able to extend the powers of the executive branch which is systematically undermining Tunisia’s democratic transition while preserving the facade of a democracy to the citizens of Tunisia . 

The arrest of the two journalists, is one of the few incidents that have followed within Tunisia’s Post- arab spring political environment. Following the uprising of political discontent, in 2014, Tunisia adopted a new democratic constitution, held competitive free elections and fostered and accepted the idea of free media. The turning point came in July 2021, when President Saisd’s election resulted in the suspension and later dissolvement of  parliament, citing emergency powers and political dysfunction as his reasons. Although Saied’s justification to his actions came under the pretense of fixing political corruption, the move concentrated and gave more freedom to the executive branch. Rather than staging an overt coup, which would give warning to Tunisians, Saied ruled by decree and later threw a constitutional referendum that expanded presidential powers. The constitutional referendum  gave Saied  near-total executive control to appoint government judges and officials without legislative oversight, without parliamentary approval. The expansion of executive authority through legal channels erodes political accountability and undermines democracy that Tunisians fought so hard for. The January sentencing of the journalists fits this pattern of erosion, as it is a prime example of persecution of dissidents, and the disenfranchisement of opposition voters. The convictions based on Tunisia’s “false news” called the Decree Law 54, adopted in 2022,criminalized the spread of “false news” and rumors online. It imposes harsh penalties and is widely criticized for restricting the freedom of expression, as the government can justify restrictive measures as lawful enforcement of the “Decree”. The convictions and legal justification for the convictions are an example of the democratic backsliding ongoing in Tunisia, and reflects how the non-detailed legal provisions were created to punish any individual who goes against Saieds presidency. 

Additionally, president Saied utilized populism and the polarization of political parties within Tunisia to consolidate his authority. President Saied presents himself as the authentic representative of the Tunisian people in opposition to what he characterizes as a corrupt political elite. Saied framed his coup not as an assault to democracy, but as a corrective measure aimed at restoring democracy, and ridding Tunisia of all the corrupt and immoral politicians. As we mentioned in class, this claim of a “popular will” that the leader alone can interpret is one of the main characteristics of a populist leader. Although this populist framing has strengthened his mass appeal and legitimacy in the eyes of his supporters, it has simultaneously facilitated the concentration of power and the erosion of democratic institutions.



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