Four Filipino senators have signed a written objection against the fugitive pastor Apollo Quiboloy. The said pastor is under investigation and wanted by the Federal Bureau of Investigation on charges of rape, abuse, and human trafficking. Risa Hontiveros, a staunch opposition senator, cited Quiboloy for contempt following his refusal to attend the charges against him. In response, senators allied with the pastor have signed a written objection to his contempt order. These senators, Bong Go, Cynthia Villar, Imee Marcos, and Robin Padilla, are known allies of Quiboloy and are using their positions to prevent democratic processes that would probably result in the arrest of Quiboloy.
Quiboloy is leader of the Kingdom of Jesus Christ, a 6 million strong Christian sect with assets in the millions of dollars. Notably, he is a staunch ally of the past authoritarian president Rodrigo Duterte who used his executive powers to protect Quiboloy from charges against him. The Philippines is known for these practices where influential religious leaders endorse candidates or outright engage in “bloc voting” where whole religious groups vote for a candidate chosen by their leader. This relationship is simple, politicians win the favor of religious leaders for millions of votes, and in turn they gain favors and influence over these elected politicians. Quiboloy also wields control over Sonshine Media Network, known locally as SMNI, which is the official broadcast corporation of the Kingdom of Jesus Christ. This media corporation is known as a platform to spread disinformation, attack journalists, and engage in red-tagging, a process where individuals and organizations are accused of being communist insurgents thereby being perceived as enemies of the state. SMNI benefitted from the denial of a franchise renewal of a major media organization, ABS-CBN, as they were granted frequencies and more rights to broadcast.
There are three key impacts that make this case an issue for democracy. First, it prevents proper democratic processes from taking place as politicians favor protecting their allies rather than abiding by these processes. Second, it erodes the quality of Philippine elections because these religious groups are known to dictate the vote of their members. And third, it creates a hostile and toxic environment for the media, opposition groups, and makes it more difficult to engage in civil discourse. Let us expound on these three impacts.
For the first point regarding democratic processes, the four senators who signed the written objection would rather protect an alleged rapist, human trafficker, and abuser instead of allowing the Senate to properly investigate these charges. Politicians and their benefactors engage in patron-client relationships wherein patrons offer a form of support or resources in exchange for influence over clients, politicians who need their votes and resources to win elections. This perfectly describes the relationship between Quiboloy and the senators who signed the objection, and even more so, his relationship with past-president Duterte.
These relationships are inherently damaging to democracy. They are literal forms of corruption, illegal, and it plagues all levels of society. Politicians become enablers of rent-seeking behavior which hinders development and deprives the common person of resources and services that the government should be providing. Additionally, these relationships result in a lack of accountability for elected politicians. Because their mandate as officials is not hinged on a clean competitive process of winning over voters, institutions have very little power in exercising accountability. This is due to a circumvention of established norms and most importantly, it goes against proper democratic principles, the likes of which politicians truly lack in this country. All in all, by signing that objection, these senators have proven that their regard for democracy is second to their desire to enrich their allies and protect the improper avenues that brought them to power. Not to say that this isn’t the first instance that these senators have contributed to democratic erosion.
For the second point regarding the quality of elections, the engagement in this patron-client relationship lowers the quality of elections. In an ideal democracy, votes are won through a clean and legitimate process of persuading voters through campaigning on sound platforms, a set of principles and ideologies, and excellent performance as politicians. These relationships prevent these ideals from transpiring. Politicians in the Philippines would rather win the favor of religious groups like the Kingdom of Jesus Christ who possess power over voters and financial resources. For the common voter, it means that they are less inclined to assess the quality of the candidate they are voting for as they are given material benefits like bribes for their vote, or simply because the church they follow simply tells them who to vote for. Other voters on the other hand outright refuse to participate in these dirty elections as they believe their vote wouldn’t matter against the powerful politicians who play dirty.
Quiboloy is not the sole example of practices like this, there are dozens of other religious leaders who engage in these practices. This system, which has persisted for generations, has created monstrously large religious groups who hold voting power that makes or breaks a candidate’s chance of winning elections. For democracy, it means that voters do not vote for the candidate who truly represents their interests, but merely who is dictated or offers the highest price for their vote. It also means that politicians are less likely to take the difficult yet cleaner route of proper campaigning when granting favors to these religious leaders means more votes for less effort. Even scarier is that politicians who engage in these practices empower those religious groups, creating a loop that further degrades democracy. All in all, the quality of elections is lost when favors take precedence over legitimate processes, a loss for democracy.
For the third and last point, the political environment becomes a toxic battleground not just for votes but even for information and discourse. The fact that politicians support these leaders who hold a large platform like SMNI means that society becomes more polarized and divisive. SMNI holds platforms not just on major broadcasting wavelengths but also new forms like social media. Here, they air disinformation and give a platform not just to Quiboloy but also to his clients, notably politicians who need a platform. They even go as far as being the largest sources of mudslinging, targeting especially opposition candidates.
Democracy cannot be expected to thrive in an environment that is inherently toxic and divisive. The fact that lines are drawn between camps makes mediation a difficult task because of the excessive polarization. For the voter, it makes choosing a candidate difficult given the toxicity of the environment. Who would want to participate in a system where politicians toss words at each other and are backed by an army of keyboard warriors who defend even their most controversial and wrong takes? Because the media becomes divisive instead of an informative environment where discourse can flourish, information that makes democracies flourish is unable to be broadcasted. All in all, democracy cannot survive in an environment where civil discussion is practically impossible.
To summarize, the actions of these senators are an inherent attack on the pillars that hold democracy together. So long as Quiboloy and his allies in government stand, democracy will continue to fall.
Hi, Pio!
I find your op-ed interesting for relating the Quiboloy issue (nay, problem) to the erosion of Philippine democracy. Regarding certain religious groups’ bloc voting system, I just wonder if we have empirical evidence that demonstrates the large extent to which the followers (who are also Filipino voters) actually obey the dictates of a religious authority? I think this will further substantiate the claim about how these groups contribute to the decline of the quality of elections and consequently of democracy in the Philippines.
You hit the nail on the head when you write in relation to the polarization that SMNI helped to create (and sustains): “… democracy cannot survive in an environment where civil discussion is practically impossible.” In fact, SMNI is identified in a study (see https://mediamanipulation.org/research/parallel-public-spheres-influence-operations-2022-philippine-elections) as one of the novel “influence operations” (i.e, “strategic communications that aim to hack attention, mobilize audiences, and influence electoral outcomes”) in the 2022 Philippine elections. This discussion also reminds me of Dr. McCoy’s lecture on pernicious political polarization — in this case, anyone who goes against the Dutertes is demonized by SMNI and is presented to its viewers as an enemy who has to be eliminated.
Hello Pio!
Your article concisely summarizes the implications of Quiboloy’s relationship with the Duterte-allied politicians, and how it overall becomes a detriment to the democratic health of our country. Quiboloy’s disinformation tactics and his wide support base have been widely influential for his ally politicians to garner the votes they need in return for political favors. Perhaps we can ask further questions to expand the discussion on the matter of religious influences to the electoral dynamic of the Philippines:
1. With the presence of other religious sects exhibiting similar pattern akin to KOJC, is religious bloc-voting a newly-prevailing phenomena, or has the infamy of Quiboloy exposed an already-established transactional strategy between politicians and certain religious leaders since the dawn of Philippine electoral politics?
2. There is a possibility that religion-backed media outlets can capitalize on this political entrepreneurship agenda, following SMNI’s example by offering bloc votes and extensive pro-politician media content in exchange for financial and political incentives. How can the state use its powers to respond to the risks this strategy poses on media integrity, electoral quality, and political polarization?
3. On the civil society side, do other Philippine religious sects have a role to play in making sure that this strategy employed by KOJC does not permeate further and cause intrusions in the political health of our country? What more can be done by civil society to limit the potential negative effects of religion-based political entrepreneurship in terms of their influence on electoral outcomes and the institutional integrity of the state?
I agree with how the article also highlighted the inevitable role that religious groups play in the democratic erosion in the Philippines, both against and for it. Since a key component of religion is shared belief and the maintenance of such, going against what is supposed to be the common viewpoint of your fellow believers is heavily frowned upon. As you mentioned, this characteristic heavily discourages individual decisions and fruitful discussions, which contribute to democracy. Especially exemplified with practices of bloc voting, dictating who people should vote for does not put the power of democracy in their hands. Overall, this poses an important question of how such should be addressed. With the separation of state and church, there is a thin line between overstepping boundaries of people’s freedom of belief, and protecting democratic practices of the promotion of the common good. However, with stories of individuals going against practices of bloc voting due to their realizations of the exploitation of such systems by certain politicians, there is still the possibility for such an overturn to occur.
[RELATED ARTICLE: https://www.rappler.com/philippines/elections/why-pro-robredo-iglesia-ni-cristo-members-will-defy-bloc-voting/ (2022)]