Unequal gender representation has always been apparent in Philippine politics. Being predominantly Catholic, the Philippine electorate has historically sided with conservative candidates—particularly men. 

Despite this background, the Filipinos have already installed two female presidents and two female vice presidents who have utilized deliberate tactics to gain the trust and confidence of the Filipino electorate. For instance, former President Cory Aquino’s gendered moral capital was “decisive in defeating a dictatorship”. Reliance on traditional politics, meanwhile, proved effective in putting former President Gloria Arroyo into power. On the other hand, the 2022 Philippine presidential elections have provided an avenue for two females to run for the two highest positions in the Philippine executive: Leni Robredo who ran for president, and Sara Duterte who ran for vice president. “Mother Leni” and “Inday Sara” housed contrasting characteristics that were perceived differently by the Philippine electorate. In this discernment, the concept of the ‘male gaze’ can be used to peruse how certain attitudes and perceptions of the Philippine electorate expose the reification of the mentioned concept in the Philippine political landscape, and how this can ultimately lead to democratic erosion.

“In the Philippines, traditional norms about women’s proper place in the public sphere remain an obstacle.”

– Jean Encinas-Franco (2021)

Since 2019, women have made up 29% of the Senate and 28% of the House of Representatives. However, in retrospect, the Philippines has achieved strides having elected two female presidents and two vice presidents. Despite this, gender dynamics in Philippine political leadership have been formed by patriarchal norms and ideals that have historically favored men over women. For instance, in analyzing Mother Leni” vs. “Inday Sara” perceptions during the 2022 Philippine elections, it is observed that Filipinos have a more particular liking towards Sara Duterte’s more masculine tendencies (e.g. having a ‘boy cut’, getting into fist fights, riding motorbikes, etc.) over Leni Robredo’s mother-like tendencies. The implications of the said cases open up new discussions on Filipinos’ preference towards strongman leaders, on how certain ways of exhibiting feminist ideals are perceived differently by the Philippine electorate, and on the conception of exhibiting a masculinity complex as a possible means of gaining the Filipinos’ trust and confidence in the assumption of executive roles.

Employing the lens of the male gaze theory of how the Philippine electorate contrastingly perceives and chooses leaders based on gender and feminist ideals unveils recurring patterns of gender dynamics in political representation in the Philippines. It is also crucial however to mention how certain political phenomena, such as traditional politics, and technocracy, perpetuate this preference in the following paragraphs.

The Male Gaze in Political Representation

While the male gaze theory was founded as a method of film analysis, the male gaze theory can also be demonstrated as a representation and preservation of patriarchy, a social system where men are considered to be more powerful compared to women who are disadvantaged based on gender. A study highlighted this upon studying the 2016 US presidential race. They found that double standards are experienced by female politicians and as such, objectifying women in politics is an “inevitable part of the campaign” and has resulted in negative perspectives toward their credibility. Women who strived to gain political positions had to try harder to prove their qualifications. 

To exhibit this, the previous female presidents, Corazon Aquino, and Gloria Macapagal Arroyo had to rely on various political strategies and employ certain images to maintain stability during their regime. For instance, Corazon Aquino hailed as the “Mother of Democracy,” utilized her ‘gendered moral capital’ to gain support for her opposition against the authoritative government of then-president Marcos Sr. While dynastic factors also played a role in her rise to power, her “principled and selfless behavior” dignified her among her opponents. Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, on the other hand, used her technocratic experience and traditional politics to retain her hold during her presidency. 

From this, it is evident that while other factors, e.g. kinship systems, necropolitics, etc., play a significant role in the successful entrance of female leaders into the Philippine government, public opinion and perception play an even greater role in scrutinizing how women in leadership are portrayed. It is evident that women in politics face a greater need to exert additional effort compared to their male counterparts.

The Double Bind of Being Too Feminine or Masculine

With this background, the 2022 elections provide a compelling case for perusing how gender dynamics can open up another dimension when the male gaze theory is applied. With the male gaze usually comparing the variance of treatment of society towards men and women, it is then curious to inquire about the apparent difference of treatment of both females who ran for the highest positions in the government. With ‘Mother Leni’ hailing a mother-like figure and ‘Inday Sara’ encompassing much like a spartan way of doing things, contradistinguishing how the Philippine electorate perceived this binary provides insights into what constitutes ‘credibility’ in terms of the Filipino gaze. Furthermore, in the context of the 2022 presidential elections, Encinas-Franco states that since political leadership is still viewed in masculine terms, Robredo and Duterte were caught in a ‘double bind’ in which they can be chastised by the then voters if they are witnessed to be ‘too feminine/soft or masculine/tough.‘

It was found though that attacks against Sara Duterte’s “performance of masculinity have also proven advantageous to her campaign,” while Robredo’s campaign was “making a dent” in the conceptions of good leadership. Attacks against Robredo were relatively greater than those against Sara Duterte. This, therefore, affirms that the internalization of feminine objectification has an impact on the perceptions of female credibility. 

The rise of such online attacks can be traced back to the resurgence of misogynistic culture caused by political leaders—in this case, then-President Duterte. As such, masculinity remains closely intertwined with leadership and power because positions of authority remain male-dominated. Duterte exemplified that governing by populism relies on the “intensification of hypermasculine forms of leadership, which in turn contributes to normalizing gender unequal gender relations”. 

In this regard, former president Duterte’s hypermasculinity as expressed through his political leadership in the Philippines—exhibited in his posture towards violence and aggression (i.e. War on Drugs), sexual domination of women through his misogynistic remarks, and benevolent paternalism—subliminally reinforced/intensified the male gaze among the Philippine electorate. Hypermasculinity, through the intentional perpetuation of former president Duterte, has advertently impacted the perception of the Philippine electorate during the 2022 elections and has intensified the polarization of preferences for the ideal feminist political representation in the Philippines. 

While it is indisputable that dynastic politics and necropolitics played a role in the Philippine electorate’s receptiveness of Sara Duterte (the daughter of former president Duterte) compared to Leni Robredo, it is undeniable that Duterte’s years of inculcating misogyny upon the Filipino people impacted how the Philippine electorate view women——thus influencing the ‘Filipino gaze’ in the context of the 2022 elections.

If left unchecked, these misogynistic tendencies reflected in the polarization of women’s political representation can gradually contribute to democratic erosion through the further reinforcement of partisan divides, marginalization of voices, deterioration of a gender-equal and informed civil discourse, stagnation of policies catered towards gender equality, and the subversion of gender equality progress. 

Put more women in power

With the male gaze theory originating from the discipline of film studies, the subject of films was altered when women started taking up roles in directing; I believe that this same solution can be applied to eradicating the male gaze in political leadership—by putting more women in power. 

In the reinforcement of misogyny that Duterte has inculcated into the Philippine electorate, the decision to alter such gaze then lies in the hands of the political leaders that the Philippines currently has.