There has been growing international interest in the case of Alaa Abd El Fattah, an Egyptian political prisoner whose sentence was arbitrarily extended by two years in September of 2024. As an outspoken critic of President El-Sisi’s regime, Alaa has been repeatedly targeted by authorities and spent most of his time since 2013 in prison, with his most recent conviction related to publishing “false news.” This charge came after he shared a Facebook post about the use of torture in Egyptian prisons.

Alaa is one of many who have been targeted in the clampdown on political dissent in Egypt. Journalists, lawyers, and human rights activists who are critical of Sisi’s policies have been incentivized to self-censor on social media, and those who do not are subject to arrest. As a result, the government has been able to promote a single narrative that often consists of conspiracy theories, disinformation, and animosity against any opposition. Cracking down on independent media and civil society is just one tool that the Egyptian government has used as they engage in democratic backsliding.

Egypt falls under Diamond’s definition of a “pseudodemocracy”, as multiparty electoral competition and formal democratic institutions technically exist but are severely curtailed. The country can be further categorized as somewhere between a competitive authoritarian regime and a hegemonic electoral authoritarian regime. President El-Sisi first came to power in 2013 due to a coup but has remained in power through elections. These elections have not been free or fair, and consequently there has been no serious challenge to Sisi’s rule.

The Egyptian government has routinely intimidated and arrested opponents of Sisi and has imposed stringent eligibility requirements for potential candidates. In the most recent Presidential election of 2023, Ahmed Tantawi posed the most significant challenge to Sisi. Over 100 of his campaign staff and 10 of his family and friends were arrested leading up to the election. Additionally, Tantawi’s phone was attacked with spyware, most likely at the behest of the Egyptian government. In this sense, the opposition plays a symbolic role in a democratic façade, as they have no real ability to gain power in this system.

The Egyptian government has also utilized various forms of executive aggrandizement, a term coined by Nancy Bermeo. Sisi has slowly eroded the checks on his power by making changes to the institutions that are meant to promote democratic ideals. In 2019, Egyptian citizens voted in a referendum to lengthen presidential terms from four to six years and allow Presidents to serve three consecutive terms. The voters overwhelmingly supported these constitutional amendments, and given the lack of significant parliamentary opposition, the changes were easily approved. As a result, Sisi will remain in power until at least 2030.

These constitutional amendments also expanded the president’s power over judicial appointments. The courts have typically served to protect the interests of the government and military rather than serve as an oversight mechanism. Given Sisi’s close relationship with the armed forces, he has also altered the jurisdiction of military courts to now be able to prosecute civilians. Furthermore, in 2022 he appointed a military general to the Supreme Constitutional Court. The increasing role of the military in the government and civilian life goes against traditional democratic norms and makes it more difficult to challenge Sisi’s regime.

As foreign powers are desperate to preserve Egypt’s stability amid a regional crisis, it seems as though there will be little international backlash to the country’s increasingly anti-democratic moves. This has emboldened President El-Sisi to continue persecuting his opposition and political dissidents, including prominent activists like Alaa Abd El Fattah.