Protests against Mayor Imamoğlu’s imprisonment. https://balkaninsight.com/2025/03/19/turkish-opposition-defies-ban-on-protests-against-mayors-detention/

On March 19, Ekrem Imamoğlu, mayor of Istanbul, was arrested on charges of corruption and terrorism. His arrest took place days before he was expected to be selected by the Republican People’s Party (CHP) as a presidential candidate in Turkey’s 2028 election. Just prior to Imamoğlu’s imprisonment, his diploma was revoked by Istanbul University, which cited “alleged irregularities in his 1990 transfer from a private university”. The Turkish Constitution requires all presidential candidates to have a university diploma, making Imamoğlu’s candidacy under these new circumstances invalid. The decision, made a staggering 31 years after Imamoğlu graduated from Istanbul University, has been seen by opposition members and citizens alike as a cheap attempt to secure incumbent Recep Tayyip Erdoğan another term amidst declining popularity. Erdoğan’s administration has simultaneously been trying to silence dissent with an ongoing “arrest of politicians, journalists and artists and the prosecution of business leaders who criticized the government’s policies.”

Backsliding under Erdoğan and the AKP

Ekrem Imamoğlu’s conveniently timed arrest points to the democratic backsliding that has long unfolded under Turkey’s leader and Imamoğlu’s main rival for presidency, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, who has been in power for 22 years. Erdoğan has long been criticized for increasingly autocratic attitudes and for pushing increasingly religious rhetoric that contradicts the secular ideals Turkey was founded on. 

Erdoğan’s tenure in the Turkish government has been prolific. He has served as President of Turkey since 2014, Prime Minister from 2003-2014, and a term as mayor of Istanbul from 1994-1998. He became a main player in Turkish politics during his time as Prime Minister under the Justice and Development Party (AKP), which he helped found. His role in the AKP has proved controversial, as the party is seen as Islamic-centered, which it rejects, and often comes under criticism for its authoritarian attitudes.

Amidst Imamoğlu’s arrest, Erdoğan has been fanning the flames of polarization by engaging in disparaging rhetoric of the opposition party, CHP. Erdoğan has made several accusations against the CHP, describing the party as “an apparatus to absolve a handful of municipal robbers who have become blinded by money” and criticized them for “doing everything to disturb the public peace, to polarize the nation.” Erdoğan’s critiques reflect an ongoing breakdown of mutual toleration in Turkish politics, with Erdoğan resorting to a blame game against the opposition fueled by little evidence. His use of the presidential platform to pit his supporters against the CHP rather places the blame of polarization upon himself, and demonstrates an unprofessional abuse of power. 

Ongoing Resistance

Erdoğan’s undemocratic crackdowns on opposition may prove harmful in his attempt to keep power. Erdoğan’s popularity amongst the Turkish population has been steadily declining since 2017, and he’s secured the presidency by slim margins. The ongoing undemocratic policing by Erdoğan’s administration is becoming increasingly apparent to the Turkish citizenry, who have been taking to the streets to protest in what NPR and other media outlets are calling “the largest wave of street demonstrations in Turkey in more than a decade.” Hundreds of protestors have been imprisoned following large-scale protests outside Istanbul’s city hall and across major cities across Turkey such as Ankara and Izmir. 

The ongoing protests hark back to the attempted coup against Erdoğan that took place in 2016. Outraged by Erdoğan’s authoritarian rule and increasing focus on religion under his contentious AKP party, a Turkish military faction sought to topple his regime. However, the violent coup proved damaging for any attempt at removing Erdoğan from power. His regime squashed the coup, leading to the deaths of upwards of 251 people, and over 2,000 injuries. What followed was an arrest of tens of thousands, and “at least 125,000 civil servants, military personnel and academics were sacked or suspended from their positions.” Erdoğan emerged from the coup stronger than ever, and with valid reason to strengthen his hold on the population and crack down on the opposition. Erdoğan used the circumstances to his favor, and under the fallout “change[d] [Turkey’s] political system from a parliamentary system to an executive presidential one,” which it has since held 2 elections under. These reforms have distanced Turkey from its once strong democratic ideals and brought it nearer to an autocratic state plagued by executive aggrandizement. Erdoğan has since expanded his powers as president, and his administration is largely untrusted by the Turkish population due to its lack of checks and balances.

Nonviolent resistance to Erdoğan’s administration may just garner the support and attention the 2016 coup failed to realize. In “Why Civil Resistance Works,” Erica Chenonweth and Maria Stephan write, “The internal and external costs of repressing nonviolent campaigns are thus higher than the costs of repressing violent campaigns. Backfire leads to power shifts by increasing the internal solidarity of the resistance campaign, creating dissent and conflicts among the opponent’s supporters, increasing external support for the resistance campaign, and decreasing external support for the opponent..” Turkish law enforcement has been violently engaging with protesters, using pepper spray and rubber bullets to suppress them. Hundreds of protesters have been detained thus far, some violent but many nonviolent. The repression of a largely nonviolent resistance movement may serve to garner widespread support against Erdoğan, both in Turkey and abroad. And it can be seen that the Turkish people have gathered around this moment of collective effervescence with a renewed desire to restore democratic ideals. Upwards of 15 million citizens nominated Ekrem Imamoğlu in the CHP’s primaries following his imprisonment. From Silivri Prison, Imamoğlu writes, “Placing me behind bars is not a victory for Erdoğan. On the contrary, it has triggered an awakening.”