Moroccan youth have taken to the streets in protests demanding lower healthcare costs, the right to protest, and other reforms including decreased sports expenditures. The protests have been met with violence and suppression from the government. Moroccan King Mohammed VI has a long-standing history of making superficial laws that only appear to create change in response to protests and he is unlikely to deviate now. 

Protest History in Morocco:

Morocco has a rich history of protests, but the 2011 popular protest created a distinct era in the people’s fight for rights. King Mohammed VI, who has been in power since 1999, made the decision to reorganize large portions of the government in direct response to the 2011 protest. At the time the move was praised by human rights organizations since the establishment of a constitution and electoral legislature was a major step towards democracy. The reality fell short however, as King Mohammed VI chose who wrote the constitution, rushed the process, and filled the government with his own supporters through party mergers and unfair elections. The result: little change for the average people in Morocco. 

Since 2011, large protests have erupted nearly every year, addressing various issues related to abuse of power, a lack of jobs, the education system, and many more. 2016 marked a year of protests against abuses in power, which continued into 2017. The protests, called the Hirak Rif movement, were sparked when a fish vendor, Mouhcine Fikri, was killed by a police officer deliberately activating a trash compactor while Fikri was inside. Hirak Rif was suppressed in 2018 with many of its leaders thrown in jail. The same year the Masaktach movement began. It was a social outcry to the two-month long rape and torture of a 17 year old girl by 12 men and it led to harsher rape, domestic violence, and forced marriage laws. Protests in 2019 were characterized by a fight for teachers and better working conditions in schools. Finally in 2023 protests began again after the government proved wholly incapable of dealing with the aftermath of a severe earthquake. 

The overall responsiveness of the government is hindered by the monarchy in Morocco. The 2023 earthquake clearly demonstrates that the electoral government, because they are elected by popular vote, needs to respond to the people in order to maintain their public image. Monarchs, however, do not feel such obligations. The representatives in Morocco first must comply with the monarchy and so their responsiveness is diminished. In 2023, when King Mohammed VI was in Paris, the earthquake response was stalled, leading to protests, and the response to protests was again stalled. 

2025 Protests: 

The 2025 Gen Z protests started with the deaths of 8 pregnant women because the government failed to meet its agreed 15% spending on healthcare; only 2.5% of the national budget is reportedly being spent on health and well-being. Additionally the people are protesting the increased spending on sports with the construction of new stadiums for the World Cup, continued ties with Israel and the genocide in Gaza, and other social issues in opposition to the current conservative policies. The government’s immediate response was one of violence and repression. Police using rubber bullets and tear gas have turned peaceful protests violent and three protestors have been killed. 

King Mohammed VI has not addressed the concerns of the youth in Morocco, instead mentioning new job creation in his speech on October 10th. Still, the government promised an increase of 16% on healthcare spending, but it remains to be seen if the government spending will translate to meaningful improvements. As for the social concerns, the monarchy and legislature appear to be ignoring any calls for change. 

Will anything lasting come of these protests?

Possibly, however it is unlikely. Gen Z protests have been taking the world by storm including but not limited to Madagascar, Indonesia, Kenya, Nepal, Peru, the Philippines, and Mexico, yet the success of these protests has been varied. Ignoring those that are ongoing, the most successful Gen Z protests have been in regimes that are not fully autocratic. Morocco remains undemocratic and King Mohammed VI gives no indication of changing that. Furthermore, the existing protest legacy in Morocco might hurt the current protests. Compared to its neighbors and culturally similar countries, Morocco is relatively lenient with protests, allowing small demonstrations as a release of frustration. Along with his scarce presence in the country, the constant ignoring of small protests boosts King Mohammed VI’s ability to ignore large protests with little public outcry. 

Even if he decides the protests have gotten too large to ignore, King Mohammed VI can easily pass legislation that satisfies the protest demands while making little real change. The appeasement in the past has ranged from temporary handouts to the establishment of new institutions that are then packed with supporters of the king. At the current scale, the Gen Z protests in Morocco probably do not have the power to oust King Mohammed VI and all the members of the monarchy-aligned government. 

Additionally the impact of the media needs to be considered. Moroccan media is almost entirely controlled by the state, with state-run media and King Mohammed VI owning multiple media companies. Moreover opposition journalists have been killed, jailed, and silenced for decades (Freedom House). Freedom House gives Morocco an internet freedom score of 54/100, which potentially aids the autocratic state. Seva Gunitsky in “Corrupting the Cyber-Commons: Social Media as a Tool of Autocratic Stability” argues that autocratic regimes are stabilized in situations where they can monitor unrest online and respond to growing frustration of the people. Naturally opposition discourse suppression favors the state and is a key part of autocratic rule, and so a balance between internet suppression and observation of civic unrest leads to the most stable autocratic regime. Morocco exists in this middle ground of suppression and observation and therefore the state receives elevated stability from its ability to both suppress opposition journalists while reacting to online protest organization (a method that is becoming increasingly popular in Gen Z protests). Because of the stability of the Moroccan autocracy and the limited power the protests currently hold, the Gen Z fight for improved conditions is unlikely to lead to meaningful, lasting change.

References:

1. (ACW), Arab Center Washington DC. “Morocco’s Gen Z Protests: A New Form of Opposition?” Arab Center Washington DC, 29 Oct. 2025, arabcenterdc.org/resource/moroccos-gen-z-protests-a-new-form-of-opposition/.
2. “Can an Earthquake Threaten the Non-Democratic Reign of Morocco’s King? – Democratic Erosion.” Democratic Erosion Consortium, 23 Apr. 2024, democratic-erosion.org/2024/04/23/can-an-earthquake-threaten-the-non-democratic-reign-of-moroccos-king/.
3. Colombo, S. (2023). Morocco’s domestic crisis of (derailed) democratisation. The Journal of North African Studies, 28(6), 1492–1514. https://doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2023.2207229
4. Gunitsky, Seva. “Corrupting the cyber-commons: Social media as a tool of autocratic stability.” Perspectives on politics 13.1 (2015): 42-54.
5. “Morocco: Protests Met with Repression, Violence.” Human Rights Watch, 17 Oct. 2025, www.hrw.org/news/2025/10/15/morocco-protests-met-with-repression-violence.
6. Morocco: A Brewing Crisis of Governance | Carnegie Endowment for International Peace,carnegieendowment.org/sada/2023/07/morocco-a-brewing-crisis-of-governance?lang=en. Accessed 20 Nov. 2025.
7. 29, July, et al. “Morocco: Country Profile.” Freedom House, 29 July 2025, freedomhouse.org/country/morocco.